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Opinion I was a judge in the “Stop and Frisk” case. I don’t think Bloomberg is racist.

In 2013, she ruled in Floyd v. New York City The tactics underlying the city’s stop-and-threat program violate the constitutional rights of people of color. While Michael Bloomberg was the Mayor of New York, blacks and Hispanics were disproportionately arrested, often relieved, millions of times, and peaked at 690,000 in 2011. After the ruling, The number of stops decreased to 11,000 in 2018. and The crime did not rise.

Despite this, Mayor Bloomberg continued to ardently defend hiatus and stops, including the eyebrows lifting comments at the Aspen Institute in 2015 that reappeared recently. I apologize for this policy days before jumping to the presidential race. Many people ask – is he a racist? I do not think so. Not if you look at many other valuable things he has done for minorities. I don’t think he ever understood the human losses of stopping black and Hispanic men, 90 percent of whom did not lead to summons or arrest. But the vigils were frightening, humiliating and unjustified invasions of the bodies of black and brown people.

At the time of Floyd’s trial, and still today, I am convinced that Mayor Bloomberg believes that the policy of stopping and stopping – which began during the reign of Rudy Giuliani, his immediate predecessor, but that has grown significantly during Mr. Bloomberg’s term – was protecting African Americans, who were victims of crime in a manner Disproportionately. Although widely disproved, he believed in the police’s “broken windows” theory, as stopping minor irregularities preventing the crime from escalating. The police commissioner believed, Ray KellyWhat I told him is that the black guys will leave their weapons at home if they think they will stop. This was misleading because stopping based on ethnic profiling rather than reasonable suspicion is unconstitutional. But this does not mean that he hates black people. The most I can say is that he had a pure heart but his head was empty. The pause and stop program has been implemented.

It is easy to write in general terms about humiliation and stopping. So consider two examples that reveal the impact on victims and the futility of politics.

In August 2008, a black man in his thirties stood in front of a chain link fence near his home and spoke to a friend on his mobile phone. He held the phone with one hand and the tongue ran on the rope in the other hand. Two officers in white civilian clothing approached him. One of the officers said that he seemed to smoke hashish and pushed him against the fence. The man explained that he was talking on his phone, not smoking marijuana and that he was a drug adviser. Without asking for permission, the officers installed it and reached its pockets. No contraband has been found.

In March 2010, a 13-year-old boy was arrested on his way home by two white officers in civilian clothes who were answering 911 calls about a group of mob men. They pulled to the side of the boy, pushed him down on the hood of the police car, tied his hands and beat him crying. The officers only recovered a mobile phone and a few dollars. However, they took him to the police station and wrote a false report stating that he had a weapon. The reason for the stay was listed as “appropriate description” and “angry movements”.

There were several other stops that victims described strenuous details during Floyd’s trial. But the point should be clear: Mayor Bloomberg, and many others who were born and raised in what is now known as the White Concession, are not putting themselves in the shoes of these victims. As an older white woman, I will never stop and be thrown on the wall. and I know that. And Mayor Bloomberg does too.

no one is perfect. But there is another aspect of Mr. Bloomberg that may not be well known: his accomplishments in creating opportunities for many minorities in New York while taking over the mayor and his commitment to good work in the post-mayor years.

In 2005, he launched the WeCare initiative, which created employment opportunities for low-income people. The following year, he created a citywide anti-poverty program around a new Center for Economic Opportunities, which received half of its initial $ 100 million in funding from the city. This program also focused on job creation. In 2009, he chaired an agreement with the Construction Employers Syndicate to ensure more constructive job opportunities for women and minority-owned companies, and to ensure that 45 percent of vocational training slots would be filled with underrepresented groups. Two years later, he launched a corporate alliance program that was dedicated to increasing the value of public contracts for women and minority companies, with a 47 percent increase in these group contracts in 2010. In 2006, only 379 companies were approved to do business with the city. By the last year of Mr. Bloomberg, that number had increased to 3,700. The Bloomberg Administration had set up employment centers in many of the city’s housing authority buildings.

When looking at these achievements as well as his post-mayor support to support migrant rights, environmental protection, abortion rights, and arms regulation, I am convinced that he has done a lot to atone for his excessive and unforgivable use of stopping and stopping. It should now be evaluated over its entire record.

If he is the best person to head the Democratic Card this fall, his failed policy should not prevent him from ceasing to play this most important role. After all, defeating a committed racist – the one who called for the death penalty in Central Park Five and who called the neo-Nazis in Charlottesville, Virginia, “a very good priority” – should be everyone’s priority.

Shira Chindlin is Tight and medium And the lawyer at Stroke Law Office.

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