So here are three tutorials for PleaseNotBernie from the wreck that was NeverTrump:
You need candidates who don’t actually win the primary.
The deadly idea of the founding politicians facing the insurgency is that, since the rebels have clear weaknesses, they should hang around and hang around in the final position, accumulate finishes in third place, and simple delegate rewards, hoping to get something. What they are likely to actually gain is blame, lack of importance or both; just ask these prominent influencers Jeb Bush and John Cassich.
So, if you are, for example, Amy Klobuchar, the fact that you have a strong case for your own choice is no reason to get around on Big Tuesday if you end up behind Pete Buttigieg in South Carolina as well as in Nevada. If you’re a Buttigieg, Iowan and New Hampshire’s strong performances are no reason to stay in case you clearly can’t compete nationally with Michael Bloomberg and Joe Biden. If you are Biden, if you lose South Carolina, you must drop out the next day. And so on.
None of this means that just merging the field will stop Bernie; he may win a face-to-face race, too. But giving him five or six opponents in each contest makes the solidity of his primary support an insurmountable advantage. If you can narrow the field, the second lesson will take into account:
Against the unconventional front filter, unconventional measures are required.
In Trump’s case, the most willing person to think this way was Ted Cruz, who made a serious attempt to urge Marco Rubio to join him on a unit ticket against Trump. Was this going to work out in the end? Perhaps not, but it was a brighter idea than Rubio’s ultimate path – he passionately sympathizes with Trump’s rise but refuses to gamble boldly in response.
There’s no equivalent to a clear unit ticket to Democrats other than Sanders, but the dynamic between Bloomberg, Biden, and Bottegg is worth seeing. They are all presented as moderate alternatives to the Sanders Revolution, and after South Carolina and Super Tuesday one of them may seem more applicable than others. In this case, the second of the “B” campaign could drop out quickly and quickly in campaigns and raise funds for (or just funding, in the case of Bloomberg) the only opportunity to unite other than Sanders. This opportunity is worth the effort because of the third lesson:
You may not be able to turn off the pluralism filter in a disputed conference.
This is especially true if he has clear delegate leadership. I spent the first months of 2016 arguing otherwise, but it is clear that the party system I was defending is dead. There is little suffering in formal political parties to work against a candidate who wins the most primary vote, and it is unlikely that voters themselves will keep rival nominations if they are apparently only playing at a mediated conference.