Mrs. Trauss sued a few months later. The great irony was that no one was happier than Mr. O’Brien. He spent years and millions of dollars proposing two completely different projects. Now some activist groups that had not been heard before before are suing the city, which is on behalf of his original project – in essence, his prosecution on his behalf.
It was impossible for Carla’s lawyer to try to persuade the judge that Lafayette wrongly forced Mr. O’Brien to build 44 houses instead of 315 apartments, while Mr. O’Brien sat on the other side in one way or another, no they did not. CARLA lost the argument, but after threatening to appeal, Mr. O’Brien ended up agreeing to pay the legal fees. He had now argued, and paid for, both sides of the same issue.
Litigation continues. Members of Save Lafayette sued to force a referendum Where residents can cancel the plan of 44 homes, and ultimately, they succeeded. Ms. Trauss and her fellow rebels have moved on to other battles, filing more lawsuits for more housing until they start winning. Meanwhile, the movement that she helped found – YIMBY, for Yes in My Back Yard – International phenomenonWith supporters in dozens of heavily populated areas including Seattle; boulder, Colo; Boston. AustinTexas London And Vancouver.
“Find people who don’t live there yet”
Development fights are fought excessively, but issues resonate everywhere. In late 2018, Minneapolis became the first major city in America to actually end zoning. Oregon followed soon after. California and New York have significantly expanded protection for tenants. And as more economists give credence to the notion that the housing crisis can harm JDB, by exacerbating inequality and reducing opportunities, all candidates for the Democratic presidency have put forward large housing proposals.
They run a series of tax breaks for tenants, to calls for more affordable housing funds, to plans to bring the federal muscles to the reform of the regions. These ideas share a central struggle: Can city leaders – who theoretically know local conditions – be trusted to build the housing we need? Or will they continue to pursue policies that pump real estate values, perpetuate extension, and penalize low-income tenants?
Mr. Falk began his career on the side of local oversight in this debate. But somewhere along the Audi Hill monastery, he began to sympathize with his rebel opponents. His son lived in San Francisco and paid a fortune to live with a pile of roommates. His daughter was a dancer in New York, where the housing crisis was very bad. It was hard to watch his children wrestle with the rent and not start thinking that Mrs. Trause might have had a point.
He once told me: “I am not sure that individual cities, which are left to their own devices, will solve this problem.” “They don’t have the incentive to do this, because local voters will always protect their own interests instead of looking for people who don’t live there yet.”